This right shall be exercised by councils or assemblies composed of members freely elected by secret ballot on the basis of direct, equal, universal suffrage, and which may possess executive organs responsible to them. This provision shall in no way affect recourse to assemblies of citizens, referendums or any other form of direct citizen participation where it is permitted by statute.
Different aspects of the Turkish system of local governments must be analysed here: first, the basic organisation of the local authorities; then, the local elections; and finally, the methods by which citizens can participate in the running of local affairs.
The key organs of the local authorities
Municipalities and metropolitan municipalities
The main organs of all types of municipalities are (i) the council, (ii) the executive committee and (iii) the mayor.
i. The council
The municipal council is the decision-making body of the municipality. The municipal council has between 9 and 55 councillors, elected by the people every five years, depending on the population of the city. In addition, the mayor is also a natural member of the municipal council, and its chair.
In metropolitan cities, however, the council follows special rules, as its members are not elected in a separate election: one fifth of the municipal councillors are elected at district level (specifically those who receive the most votes) and these also become councillors in the metropolitan council. Further, district mayors are also natural members of the metropolitan council. The metropolitan mayor is also the speaker of the metropolitan council. The size of the metropolitan council differs from district municipalities or other types of municipalities. For instance, the metropolitan council of Istanbul has 311 councillors plus the mayor.
The major competences of the municipal council are:
to approve the municipality’s strategic plan, the works programme and the investment programme;
- to approve the municipal budget and the annual report for the previous year;
- to approve the municipal land development plans, at a given geographical scale;
- to decide on granting concessions, the setting up of municipal companies and on the sale of such companies;
- to allow the municipality to borrow, purchase and sell property;
- to set the rates of the user fees for municipal services;
- to decide on the organisation of the municipality.
- to grant approvals or permits.
An important element of the local organisation, form the perspective of the Charter, is the responsibility of the mayor vis-à-vis the municipal council. In this respect, and apart from the above listed competences, the municipal council is the supervisory body. The council carries out that function by posing questions to the mayor or, in some cases, by tabling a motion of censure against the mayor. In this latter case, a majority of at least three fourths of the full membership of the council shall be required to reject the annual report or to declare the mayor incompetent. The resolution on incompetence of the mayor shall have legal effect only after it is upheld by the Council of State. However, as our interlocutors have underlined, “it is almost impossible to remove a mayor from office by this method. There has been no mayor removed by a resolution of incompetence in the nine years since the entry into force of the Law.”
ii. The executive committee
The municipal executive committee is a multi-member organ that implements the resolutions of the council. It is comprised of the mayor and a number of members ranging from 10 (in metropolitan municipalities) to 4, according to the population. The mayor is also the chair of the municipal executive committee.
This a “hybrid” type of commission: one half of the members are councillors elected by the municipal council, and the other half are municipal administrators selected by the mayor (one of whom should be the “fiscal administrator” of the municipality). The main functions of the municipal executive committee are:
- to review the municipality’s strategic plan, the annual work programme, the budget and documents on the previous year’s revenues and expenditures (which is submitted to the municipal council);
- to adopt expropriation decisions;
- to hold tenders on the purchase, sale and lease of property;
- to impose penalties and administrative sanctions.
iii. The mayor
Mayors, like the municipal councillors, are elected for five years in elections held on the same day as the council elections. Re-election is not limited. The mayoral election is a single round, first-past-the-post voting system, that is, the candidate with the highest number of votes wins. The mayor performs the following main functions:
- To chair the meetings of the municipal council and of the municipal executive committee, and implement their decisions and resolutions;
- To run the municipality in accordance with the strategic plan, the work programme and the resolutions of the municipal council;
- To collect the municipality’s revenues and receivables;
- To represent the municipality; to sign the contracts on behalf of the municipality;
- To appoint municipal administrators and employees;
- To manage the municipality’s affiliated entities and municipal enterprises, and to administer the municipality’s property.
Although the basic idea is that the mayor is an “executive counterbalance” of the Council, the reality is that the Turkish system produces a model of very powerful mayors, probably one the strongest models for mayors in Europe. The mayor is a very strong political officer since the election is by direct popular vote and the mayor is the speaker of the council and the chair of the executive committee. The mayor is also administratively strong because the office-holder controls the municipal budget and manages the staff. The mayor appoints and removes all municipal administrators and employees except certain officials. Moreover, the mayor has the right of veto over council decisions , although the office-holder can veto a decision only once, but if the Council re-confirms such decision, it becomes final. This strong mayoral profile has been underlined by Turkish academics, and some scholars even speak of “powerless councils vis-à-vis strong mayors”.
Despite this political superiority of the mayor, the council still holds an ultimate mechanism of control, through non-approval of the mayor’s annual activity report. If the report is rejected by three fourths of the council, the mayor is considered unfit to continue in office and may be dismissed from his functions with the approval of the Council of State. However, as Turkish academics point out, “this legal mechanism of control is very hardly used and there has been almost no example of such a dismissal of mayor by the council’s vote”.
The metropolitan mayors whom the delegation met reported that the Municipality Law clearly defines the spheres of action of the municipal council and of the mayor, and that there is no overlapping or encroachment among these two bodies in the day-to-day running of the local entity.
Special Provincial Administrations
The key organs of the Special Provincial Administration are (i) the general provincial council, (ii) the provincial executive committee, and (iii) the governor. In addition, the secretary-general conducts, on behalf of the governor, the affairs of the Special Provincial Administration. The secretary-general is appointed by the Minister of the Interior on a proposal from the governor.
- The general provincial council
The general provincial council is the body for policy discussion and the supreme decision-making body of the Special Provincial Administration. Its functions and powers are similar to those of the municipal council. As in the case of municipal councils, provincial councillors are directly elected by popular vote to the general provincial council, on the same election day. The councillors in a general provincial council are elected to represent the districts in the province: in a district with up to 25 000 inhabitants, two councillors are elected, but this figure grows progressively, and five councillors are elected in districts having up to 100 000 inhabitants (special rules apply for higher populations).
ii. The provincial executive committee
The provincial executive committee is a “hybrid” organ, like the municipal executive committee. Three members of this committee are elected by the general provincial council and three other members are appointed by the governor, who, in addition, is the chair of the committee. The executive power of the Special Provincial Administration is shared between the governor and the provincial executive committee. The committee implements the resolutions of the general provincial council. It also acts as a decision-making body on such matters as the sale and lease of property owned by the Special Provincial Administration and other technical matters.
iii. The governor
The governor (vali) is a pivotal figure in Turkish peripheral state administration and plays the same key role as the préfet in the French system and other equivalent agents in those nations that have followed this model (Italian prefetto, Spanish gobernador civil, etc.). The governor is appointed by a presidential decree. The governor not only represents the state in the province, but is also the executive organ of the Special Provincial Administration. It should be noted that, until 2005, the governor also acted as the chairman of the general provincial council, but in that year the model was changed by legislative amendment and since then the provincial councillors elect a chair of the council from among themselves.
Today however the governor still acts as the chair of the provincial executive committee. According to Article 29 of the Law on Special Provincial Administrations, the governor shall be “the head of the Special Provincial Administration and the representative of its legal entity”.
In view of the present arrangements, compliance with Article 3.2 of the Charter is only partial in the case of the provincial administrations. The democratic origin of the members of the council is undeniable. However, the fact that the governor is the key executive organ of the Special Provincial Administration and, in addition, chair of the executive committee is not compatible with the said provision, since the Governor is an organ of state administration. The Turkish system enshrines then a subjective-organic confusion between the state administration and the Local Administration, contrary to the spirit of the Charter, according to which local administration should be a distinct and different bureaucratic organisation from the state administration, having its own rationale, legitimacy and rulers.
In addition, the governor is de iure the chair of the executive and the governor’s decisions cannot be reversed by the council. In practice, the governor is the ruler of the province, as is clear from the powers endowed by legislation (see Article 30 of the Law on Special Provincial Administrations). Although there is certain responsibility of the governor before the council, the possibility of a motion of censorship is not provided for, as it happens at municipal level in relation to the mayor and the council. The very fact that the governor (a state agent) is considered an organ of the provincial administrations totally blurs the necessary separation between the state and the local administration.
Local elections
Local elections are held every five years in Turkey. The last local elections took place on 31 March 2019, while re-run elections took place in Istanbul on 23 June 2019 following a highly debated decision rendered by the Supreme Electoral Council (YSK).
In the local elections of 2019, Turkish people were called upon to elect different local officials and representatives:
a. at provincial level, they were to elect members of the provincial councils;
b. at “first” local level, they were to elect mayors and members of the municipal councils , according to the type of local authority concerned:
c. in the larger municipalities (‘metropolitan municipalities’, such as Ankara and Istanbul) electors voted for the metropolitan mayor and also for the mayors of the different “districts municipalities“ (district mayors) and for the members of the councils of the district municipalities;
d. in small municipalities, electors voted only for the mayor and for members of the municipal council. They also voted for “mukhtars” in neighbourhoods and villages.
These elections were observed by the Congress, resulting in a report and an explanatory memorandum describing in detail the conduct of the local elections, the electoral administration, the political and media context, and the compliance with the Venice Commission’s Code of good practice in electoral matters . In summary, the Congress found that the elections were run in a highly professional and in general democratic way and registered a very high turnout (84,6%). Although voting is obligatory under the law, violation of this legal obligation is infrequently enforced. However, the report also noted some flaws in the impartiality of the electoral administration: involvement of the President of the Republic in the electoral race (in his capacity as leader of the political party and in accordance with the Turkish law) that was too deep and improper, a climate of lack of true freedom for the media, and lack of an effective level field of play.
Apart from the problems in Istanbul that have been referred to, there were also other negative outcomes of the local elections: candidates belonging to the HDP party won the mayoral elections in 65 municipalities located in the south-east of the country, but the provincial electoral administration refused to grant to 6 of HDP co-mayors (officially nominated ones) the required “certificate” of election (mazbata) which is a pre-requisite to entering the position of mayor, on the ground that they were unfit for the position since they had been previously dismissed from their jobs by means of Central Government decrees under emergency rule. Instead, that certificate was eventually granted to candidates from other parties who were placed in second position in the electoral results, and therefore to candidates who had not won the elections.
The issue of the refusal to grant the election certificate to opposition mayors has been addressed in the Congress reports, recommendations and resolutions mentioned above. In particular, the President of the Congress strongly criticised this situation since it is contrary to the principle of fairness in elections whereby rules that applied prior to election day must also apply after election day. The Congress also declared that the candidates who were reviewed by the Supreme Electoral Council during the pre-election period and admitted to stand in the elections should also have the effective right to carry out their mandate if they were elected.
During the consultation procedure, local representatives indicated that after the CHP won the last local elections in some cities, the government representatives (AK Party) by various means tried to obstruct the decision-making process in those city councils and undermine their operational management. This issue was also debated during the third part of the visit (see, infra).
As an example, the following situation was mentioned concerning the Ankara metropolitan municipality, where CHP won the election. According to the Mayor of Ankara, the Mayor has traditionally had the power to remove and to replace the board members of the municipal companies. However, shortly after the local elections the Ministry of Commerce issued a circular letter by which that power of removal was withdrawn from the mayor and assigned to the municipal council, contrary to the provisions of the Municipal Law. It was also reported that the Mayor initiated legal actions to get the circular suspended and declared void. Although the 10th Commercial Court of first instance suspended the implementation of the circular, (Decision Date: June 14, 2019, Decision No: 2019-499) the Council of State has not yet ruled on the merits.
According to the information received from the HDP during the consultation procedure, after the local elections, the Ministry of Interior removed 32 co-mayors and replaced them with "governor-trustees," including the three metropolitan municipalities that HDP won. That makes a total of 38 out of 65 municipalities. 26 HDP co-mayors were arrested, 3 of them were later released. The HDP underlined that since the local elections, 60 HDP municipal council members and 7 HDP general provincial council members were removed and 8 HDP municipal council members were arrested. This information was later updated following the third part of the monitoring visit, in December 2021 (see, infra).
Public participation in municipal governance
The last sentence of Article 3.2 of the Charter states that Article 3.2 shall in no way affect recourse to assemblies of citizens, referendums or any other form of direct citizen participation where permitted by statute. In this respect, it should be noted first that Turkey has not yet signed the Additional Protocol to the European Charter of Local Self-Government on the right to participate in the affairs of a local authority, of 16 November 2009 (ETS No. 207).
Despite this, the laws governing the different types of local authority do include some provisions on this matter. To begin with, Article 15 of the Municipality Law provides that “the municipality may engage in popular vote or public research activities to find out the opinion of the inhabitants”. Secondly, municipal council meetings are public, and the citizens and the press may freely observe those meetings. Moreover, some large municipalities (such as Istanbul) have taken the initiative to broadcast in streaming mode the meetings of the metropolitan municipal council, so that any citizen may have immediate access to its deliberations and decisions. On the other hand, meetings of the municipal council commissions are usually open to relevant professional organisations, civil society bodies and representatives of other organisations.
Thirdly, we should make reference to the “citizens assemblies”, as provided by Article 76 of the Municipality Law. A citizens assembly consists of representatives of professional organisations, civil society organisations, universities, other public organisations and trade unions. The citizens’ assembly may submit proposals to the municipal council, and the municipal council has the obligation to consider those proposals. Therefore, the citizens assemblies play a significant role in channelling the concerns of local residents towards the council, in domains such as the protection of the environment, women’s and youth affairs, integration of people with disabilities and the like.
Finally, Article 7 of the Law on Special Provincial Administrations provides that these local authorities may conduct public opinion polls and surveys to ascertain public views and opinions on their services.
In light of the foregoing considerations, it may be concluded that Article 3.2 is respected in Turkey as regards municipalities but is only partially respected in the case of Special Provincial Administrations, for the reasons explained regarding the position of the Governor in the provincial organisation. However, the practice of appointing non-elected officials to replace the elected mayor to run a local community is another problematic issue in terms of Article 3.2 that has been raised by the Congress on numerous occasions and will be dealt with in detail under section 6 of this report.