Local self-government denotes the right and the ability of local authorities, within the limits of the law, to regulate and manage a substantial share of public affairs under their own responsibility and in the interests of the local population.
The Charter stresses that the share of public affairs managed by local government should be “substantial”, not residual. In other words, local authorities should not be limited to secondary tasks or routine duties; they should have a sufficient range of responsibilities with the possibility of drawing up and implementing appropriate and relevant local public policies for the benefit of the local population (in areas such as environmental protection, culture and education, basic infrastructure, urban development, housing, transport management and the like).
The reality, however, is that the traditions of the Parties to the Charter regarding matters considered to be the natural or inherent preserve of local authorities differ greatly. It is accepted that the Parties may wish to reserve certain functions (such as police or higher education) to the central government. Accordingly, the Charter grants States a certain amount of discretion in terms of setting “the limits of the law” and identifying local authorities’ scope of action.
The Contemporary Commentary to the Charter points out, that the legal right to local self-government is nevertheless fully protected by the Charter (Article 11). Local authorities should also be able to exercise this legal right to self-government effectively through the proper institutional and regulatory means provided for in other articles of the Charter (Article 9: adequate financial resources; Article 6: organisational and human resources, etc.).
Unlike the other Nordic countries, where decentralisation of tasks to the local level commenced as early as the 1960s, the Icelandic system remained heavily centralised in the early 1990s. Various municipalities had evolved in divergent ways, and as they were not accountable for major welfare responsibilities like primary education, many had adopted entrepreneurial practices, heavily investing in local enterprises or spearheading voluntary projects such as recreational facilities and kindergarten services. However, this also resulted in a significant disparity in service levels between rural and urban municipalities. In an average rural municipality in the early 1990s, there was a lack of waste management, pre-school services, or sports facilities; minimal or no services were available for the elderly, and water supply (hot or cold) was not centrally organised. Essentially, each farm operated independently, and the local mayor handled accounting and limited day-to-day management of the municipality. In contrast, larger urban settlements already had municipal offices with structured opening times, professional management, recreational facilities, organised water supply, waste management, and other services. Thus, urban settlements had implemented basic administrative structures with offices and established operating hours, while rural communities seldom had such facilities.
In the early 1990s, the central government initiated the decentralization of welfare tasks. The process began with social services, such as economic assistance, in 1991, followed by primary education in 1996 Concurrently, mandatory municipal planning and local planning were implemented for all rural and urban land. The highest authority for planning was decentralised to the local level, obliging local authorities to initiate municipal plans. Before this, farmland and uninhabited land in the highlands had been exempt from planning and building regulations.
The final significant transfer occurred in 2011 when responsibility for disability services was shifted to the local level. Unlike in other Nordic countries, Icelandic local governments do not bear responsibility for primary health care. Nevertheless, they engage in various tasks, albeit without legal obligation, such as establishing recreational facilities. Over the past 30 years, there have been unprecedented changes in the responsibilities of Icelandic local government. These entities have emerged as major contributors to the provision of welfare services and the general well-being of citizens, accounting for approximately 13-14% of GDP and employing around 12% of the Icelandic workforce. There is no doubt that Icelandic municipalities nowadays do manage a substantial share of public affairs.
In the realm of pre-school education, municipalities bear the responsibility for kindergarten services. The law, specifically Law No. 90/2008, does not explicitly mandate municipalities to provide this service; theoretically, it remains voluntary. However, in practice, it is socially unacceptable for a municipality not to offer this service. Around 90% of Icelandic children are enrolled in municipal pre-schools. This is likely the most significant factor contributing to the exceptionally high percentage (79%) of Icelandic women participating in the labor market and potentially influencing the high birth rate (1.95 children) in comparison to continental Europe. Traditionally, services were directed towards children aged 2-5, but in recent times, kindergartens are increasingly admitting younger children, even below the age of one. Private organizations or NGOs must obtain permission from local authorities to offer these services, and municipal institutions are tasked with overseeing them. The service is funded through a combination of contributions from municipalities and parents.
Municipalities hold full responsibility for primary education for 6-15 year olds, as stipulated by the Primary Education Act (No. 91/2008 § 5). This responsibility encompasses the construction and maintenance of school buildings, as well as the hiring and payment of teachers. While secondary education is a state responsibility, municipalities are entitled to appoint board members for these schools.
Concerning child protection, the Child Care Act (Barnaverndarlög 80/2002) allocates the responsibility for the availability and organisation of front-line services to municipalities, including staffing and facilities. However, institutions for permanent placement/custody fall under the responsibility of the state.
The Elderly Issues Act (Lög um málefni aldraðra 125/1999) mandates that municipalities are responsible for home assistance and providing opportunities for social gatherings for elderly people. Home assistance does not include any medical assistance, as that falls within the purview of the state.
Municipalities are responsible for providing services to people with disabilities and those in need of long-term support (Lög um þjónustu við fatlað fólk með langvarandi stuðningsþarfir, No. 38/2018). Individuals are entitled to a private support plan (Art. 12). However, there are gray areas concerning elderly disabled persons, and disputes have arisen between the state and municipalities regarding responsibility for disabled and elderly individuals.
The Social Services in Municipalities Act (Lög um félagsþjónustu sveitarfélaga 40/1991) imposes obligations on municipalities regarding economic help to persons in destitute circumstances, including access to affordable housing. Although housing has not been an extensive municipal function in Iceland, municipalities are obligated by law No. 44/1998 on housing to provide low-rent housing for people in economic distress or with disabilities.
The integration of refugees is generally not the responsibility of local government. However, in the case of quota refugees (refugees invited by the state to move to Iceland), local authorities have made a contract with the state to integrate the refugees in question. This is, however, voluntary and does not include all municipalities. Therefore, the refugee issue is particularly relevant to this group of municipalities.
National agencies have very limited ability to stop municipal land use plans, primarily concerning larger issues such as hydroelectric power plants and mainly based on environmental disputes. National agencies cannot halt municipal land use plans because they conflict with national objectives. However, they may suggest that a municipal land use plan should be rejected on some technical bases; in practice, this would indicate that the municipality needs to address the problems in the plan and resubmit it. There is, however, an increase in state scrutiny, and municipal land use is increasingly subjected to detailed public oversight.
Public transport is not a mandatory municipal function; however, in 2010, the National Road Agency signed a contract with Regional Associations on the organization and provision of public bus services. The Regional Associations are voluntary associations created by and the sole responsibility of the municipal level. The local level, however, is not the sole provider of public transport. Additionally, based on the Disability Act, municipalities are obliged to provide transport services to persons with disabilities. However, in 2020, most regional associations relinquished responsibilities for public transport (disability transport not included), with two exceptions (the regional association for the greater city area of Reykjavík and the East part of Iceland).
In terms of municipal responsibility, education, social protection, recreation, and culture are the sectors where over 70% of the total local government expenditure is allocated. This allocation underscores the role of Icelandic municipalities as a cornerstone of the welfare state.
As the Contemporary Commentary points out, local authorities cannot regulate and manage a “substantial share of local affairs” effectively if the authorities are too small and/or are deprived of the resources necessary to perform their tasks. Such entities would have the legal “right” but would lack the real “ability” to act, as required by the Charter. Mergers of municipalities may therefore be advisable (provided that the rules on boundary changes in Article 5 are complied with). Another possibility is the use of inter-municipal co-operation to achieve joint service provision (Article 10.1 s. the corresponding comments of this report).
In Iceland, considerable differences in size of municipalities do exist (s. below the comments to article 5), it should be mentioned, however, that some municipalities are small but wealthy because they have tourism energy plants or factories. In addition, intermunicipal co-operation is quite developed (s. below the comments to Article 10).
Taking into consideration the above, the rapporteurs conclude that Iceland complies with this paragraph.